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윌슨의 14개조

 

 

해설 : 윌슨은 미국이 제 1차 세계대전에 참전하기 얼마 전인 1917년 1월 22일 "동등자 사이의 평화" "승리없는 평화"를 기본전제로 한 평화안을 제시한 바 있었는데 그 후 1917년 말이 되면서 미국의 전쟁목적, 즉 평화안에 대한 보다 명확한 천명이 바람직하다고 느끼게 되었다. 그리하여 그는 1918년 1월 8일 의회에서 그의 이상을 집대성한 유명한 "14개조"의 연설을 하게 되었다.  그는 이 연설에서 미국의 전쟁목적을 밝히고 있는데, 그는 그것이 세계를 모든 평화를 사랑하는 국가들이 살기에 알맞고 안전하도록 만드는 것이라고 말했다.  여러 가지 면에서 윌슨의 14개조는 원래 당시 진행중에 있던 독일과 러시아 간의 단독강화를 견제하는 데 주안점을 두고 있었지만 양국 간의 강화협상에 아무런 영향도 미치지 못한채 1918년 3월 3일 러시아가 마침내 독일의 가혹한 요구를 수락함으로서 단독강화조약이 체결되었던 것이다. 이렇게 비록 러시아에 대해서는 그 목표가 실패로 끝났지만 윌슨의 14개조는 이상적인 평화안으로서 연합국 국민들로부터 커다란 환영을 받았다.  당시 연합국 정부가 그것을 거부하거나 이의를 제기하지 않아기 때문에 14개조는 일반적으로 연합국의 전쟁 목적의 천명으로 받아들여졌고, 또한 그 뒤 독일이 강화를 요청하는 토대가 되었다.

 

의원 여러분,

 

그러므로 우리가 이 전쟁에서 요구하는 것은 우리 자신에게만 특유한 것이 아니다. 그것은 이 세계가 살아가기에 적합하고 안전한 장소로 만들어져야 하고, 특히 우리들과 마찬가지로 각기 자신의 방식대로 살고, 자신의 제도를 결정하고, 또 세계의 여타 국민들이 폭력과 이기적 침략이 아닌 정의롭게, 공평하게 대해 주기를 보장해 주도록 바라는 모든 평화 애호 국가들에게 안전한 장소로 만들어져야 한다는 것이다.

이 점에 세계의 모든 국민들은 사실상 동반자이며, 또한 우리는 타국에게 공평하게 대하지 않는 한 타국도 우리에게 공평하게 대하지 않을 것임을 알고 있다. 그러므로 세계 평화의 계획은 바로 우리들의 계획이다. 우리가 보건대 그렇게 할 수 있는 유일한 계획은 다음과 같다.

 

1. 공개적으로 이루어진 공개적인 강화협약, 그 이후는 어떠한 종류라도 비밀스러운 국제 협정은 없을 것이고, 외교는 항상 솔직하고 일반이 보는데서 이루어질 것이다.

 

2. 국제 협약을 시행하기 위한 국제적 조처에 의해 공해의 전부 혹은 일부가 폐쇄되어질 수 있는 경우를 제외하고 평화시나 전시를 막론한 영해 밖의 공해상에서의 항해의 절대적 자유.

 

3.평화에 동의하고 그 유지에 관여하는 모든 국가들 간의 가능한 한 모든 경제적 장벽의 제거와 대등한 통상 조건의 확립.

 

4.국가의 군비를 국내의 안전에 적합한 최저수준으로 감축한다는 적절한 보장의 교환.

 

5.식민지 주권문제를 결정함에 있어서 관련된 주민들의 이익은 앞으로 지위가 결정될 정부의 정당한 권리 주장과 동등한 중요성을 가져야 한다는 원칙을 엄격히 준수하는 기초 위에서 모든 식민지 요구들에 대한 자유롭고 편견없고 또한 절대적으로 공평한 조정.

 

6.모든 러시아 영토로부터 철군 및 러시아에 영향을 미치는 모든 문제들을 러시아로 하여금 그 자신의 정치적 발전과 국가정책을 독자적으로 결정하는 자유롭고도 자연스러운 기회를 얻도록 하기 위해 세계의 다른 나라들의 최선의 그리고 가장 자연스러운 협조를 확보하게끔, 또한 러시아가 그 자신이 선택하는 제도하에서 자유 국가 사회에 참여함을 진심으로 환영받게 해주는 해결, 그리고 환영하는 이상으로 러시아가 필요로 하고 또한 요망하는 모든 종류의 원조 제공, 따라서 앞으로 수개월 동안에 러시아의 자매국가들이 러시아에 부여하는 대우는 그들의 선의, 그들 자신의 이익과 구별되는 러시아의 필요에 대한 그들의 이해. 그리고 그들의 지적이고 이기적이지 않은 동정에 대한 엄격한 시험이 될 것이다.

 

7.벨기에가 다른 모든 자유국가들과 마찬가지로 누리는 주권을 제한하려는 시도없이, 벨기에로부터 철군하고 벨기에를 수복해야 한다는 데 전세계의 뜻을 같이 할 것이다.  국가들이 상호간의 관계를 통제하기 위해 스스로 설정하고 결정한 법에 대한 신뢰를 회복하는 데는 다른 어떠한 조치도 이 조치만큼 유용하지는 못할 것이다.  이러한 치유적 조치가 없다면, 국제법의 전체구조와 유효성은 영원히 손상을 면치 못할 것이다.

 

8.모든 프랑스의 영토를 해방해야 하고, 침략된 지역을 수복해야 하며, 또한 근 50년간이나 세계의 평화를 흔들었던 알자스 로렌 문제와 관련해서 1871년 프로이센이 프랑스에게 행한 부당한 조치는 평화가 만인을 위해 다시 정착될 수 있도록 시정되어야 한다.

 

9.이탈리아 국경선의 재조정은 분명하게 인정할 수 있는 민족적 구분에 따라서 시행되어야 한다.

 

10. 우리는 오스트리아-헝가리 제국 내의 민족들의 국제적 지위가 보전되고 보장되기를 바라며, 그들에게는 자주적으로 발전할 수 있는 가장 자유로운 기회가 주어져야 한다.

 

11.루마니아, 세르비아, 그리고 몬테네그로에서 철군하고 점령지역은 수복되어져야 하며, 세르비아에게는 바다로의 자유롭고 안전한 통로가 주어져야 하고 또한 발칸 제국의 상호관계는 역사적으로 확정되어 있는 충성과 국적의 구분에 따라서 우호적인 협의를 통하여 결정되어야 한다. 그리고 발칸 제국의 정치적, 경제적 독립과 영토보전에 대한 국제적인 보장협정이 체결되어야 한다.

 

12.현재의 오토만 제국의 터키지역은 확고한 주권이 보장되어야 하나, 현재 터키의 통치를 받고 있는 다른 민족들에게는 의심의 여지가 없는 생활의 안전과 절대적으로 방해받지 않는 자치적 발전의 기회가 보장되어야 한다.  절대적으로 방해받지 않는 자치적 발전의 기회가 보장되어야 한다.  그리고 다다넬즈 해협은 국제적 보장하에 모든 국가의 선박 및 통상을 위한 자유 통로로서 항구적으로 개방되어야 한다.

 

13. 분명히 폴란드 인 주민들이 거주하는 지역을 포함하는 독립된 폴란드 국가를 수립해야 하며, 폴란드에게는 바다로의 자유롭고 안전한 출구가 보장되어야 하고 또 그 국가의 정치적 경제적 독립과 영토보전은 국제협정에 의해서 보장되어야 한다.

 

14. 강대국과 약소국 모두의 정치적 독립과 영토보전을 상호간에 보장하기 위해 국가들 간의 하나의 일반적인 연합체계가 특별한 협약 하에 형성되어야 한다.

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Wilson's Fourteen Points

 

1918. 1. 18

 

8 January, 1918

President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points

 

Gentlemen of the Congress:

 

Once more, as repeatedly before, the spokesmen of the Central Empires have indicated their desire to discuss the objects of the war and the possible basis of a general peace. Parleys have been in progress at Brest-Litovsk between Russsian representatives and representatives of the Central Powers to which the attention of all the belligerents have been invited for the purpose of ascertaining whether it may be possible to extend these parleys into a general conference with regard to terms of peace and settlement.

 

The Russian representatives presented not only a perfectly definite statement of the principles upon which they would be willing to conclude peace but also an equally definite program of the concrete application of those principles. The representatives of the Central Powers, on their part, presented an outline of settlement which, if runch less definite, seemed susceptible of liberal interpretation until their specific program of practical terms was added. That program proposed no concessions at all either to the sovereignty of Russia or to the preferences of the populations with whose fortunes it dealt, but meant, in a word, that the Central Empires were to keep every foot of territory their armed forces had occupied -- every province, every city, every point of vantage -- as a permanent addition to their territories and their power.

 

It is a reasonable conjecture that the general principles of settlement which they at first suggested originated with the more liberal statesmen of Germany and Austria, the men who have begun to feel the force of their own people's thought and purpose, while the concrete terms of actual settlement came from the military leaders who have no thought but to keep what they have got. The negotiations have been broken off. The Russian representatives were sincere and in earnest. They cannot entertain such proposals of conquest and domination.

 

The whole incident is full of signifiances. It is also full of perplexity. With whom are the Russian representatives dealing? For whom are the representatives of the Central Empires speaking? Are they speaking for the majorities of their respective parliaments or for the minority parties, that military and imperialistic minority which has so far dominated their whole policy and controlled the affairs of Turkey and of the Balkan states which have felt obliged to become their associates in this war?

 

The Russian representatives have insisted, very justly, very wisely, and in the true spirit of modern democracy, that the conferences they have been holding with the Teutonic and Turkish statesmen should be held within open not closed, doors, and all the world has been audience, as was desired. To whom have we been listening, then? To those who speak the spirit and intention of the resolutions of the German Reichstag of the 9th of July last, the spirit and intention of the Liberal leaders and parties of Germany, or to those who resist and defy that spirit and intention and insist upon conquest and subjugation? Or are we listening, in fact, to both, unreconciled and in open and hopeless contradiction? These are very serious and pregnant questions. Upon the answer to them depends the peace of the world.

 

But, whatever the results of the parleys at Brest-Litovsk, whatever the confusions of counsel and of purpose in the utterances of the spokesmen of the Central Empires, they have again attempted to acquaint the world with their objects in the war and have again challenged their adversaries to say what their objects are and what sort of settlement they would deem just and satisfactory. There is no good reason why that challenge should not be responded to, and responded to with the utmost candor. We did not wait for it. Not once, but again and again, we have laid our whole thought and purpose before the world, not in general terms only, but each time with sufficient definition to make it clear what sort of definite terms of settlement must necessarily spring out of them. Within the last week Mr. Lloyd George has spoken with admirable candor and in admirable spirit for the people and Government of Great Britain.

 

There is no confusion of counsel among the adversaries of the Central Powers, no uncertainty of principle, no vagueness of detail. The only secrecy of counsel, the only lack of fearless frankness, the only failure to make definite statement of the objects of the war, lies with Germany and her allies. The issues of life and death hang upon these definitions. No statesman who has the least conception of his responsibility ought for a moment to permit himself to continue this tragical and appalling outpouring of blood and treasure unless he is sure beyond a peradventure that the objects of the vital sacrifice are part and parcel of the very life of Society and that the people for whom he speaks think them right and imperative as he does.

 

There is, moreover, a voice calling for these definitions of principle and of purpose which is, it seems to me, more thrilling and more compelling than any of the many moving voices with which the troubled air of the world is filled. It is the voice of the Russian people. They are prostrate and all but hopeless, it would seem, before the grim power of Germany, which has hitherto known no relenting and no pity. Their power, apparently, is shattered. And yet their soul is not subservient. They will not yield either in principle or in action. Their conception of what is right, of what is humane and honorable for them to accept, has been stated with a frankness, a largeness of view, a generosity of spirit, and a universal human sympathy which must challenge the admiration of every friend of mankind; and they have refused to compound their ideals or desert others that they themselves may be safe.

 

They call to us to say what it is that we desire, in what, if in anything, our purpose and our spirit differ from theirs; and I believe that the people of the United States would wish me to respond, with utter simplicity and frankness. Whether their present leaders believe it or not, it is our heartfelt desire and hope that some way may be opened whereby we may be privileged to assist the people of Russia to attain their utmost hope of liberty and ordered peace.

 

It will be our wish and purpose that the processes of peace, when they are begun, shall be absolutely open and that they shall involve and permit henceforth no secret understandings of any kind. The day of conquest and aggrandizement is gone by; so is also the day of secret covenants entered into in the interest of particular governments and likely at some unlooked-for moment to upset the peace of the world. It is this happy fact, now clear to the view of every public man whose thoughts do not still linger in an age that is dead and gone, which makes it possible for every nation whose purposes are consistent with justice and the peace of the world to avow nor or at any other time the objects it has in view.

 

We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secure once for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. The program of the world's peace, therefore, is our program; and that program, the only possible program, as we see it, is this:

 

I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view.

 

II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants.

 

III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance.

 

IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety.

 

V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined.

 

VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest cooperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own political development and national policy and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good will, of their comprehension of her needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy.

 

VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of international law is forever impaired.

 

VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more be made secure in the interest of all.

 

IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality.

 

X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity to autonomous development.

 

XI. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan states should be entered into.

 

XII. The Turkish portion of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under international guarantees.

 

XIII. An independent Polish state should be erected which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant.

 

XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike.

 

In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and assertions of right we feel ourselves to be intimate partners of all the governments and peoples associated together against the Imperialists. We cannot be separated in interest or divided in purpose. We stand together until the end. For such arrangements and covenants we are willing to fight and to continue to fight until they are achieved; but only because we wish the right to prevail and desire a just and stable peace such as can be secured only by removing the chief provocations to war, which this program does remove. We have no jealousy of German greatness, and there is nothing in this program that impairs it. We grudge her no achievement or distinction of learning or of pacific enterprise such as have made her record very bright and very enviable. We do not wish to injure her or to block in any way her legitimate influence or power. We do not wish to fight her either with arms or with hostile arrangements of trade if she is willing to associate herself with us and the other peace- loving nations of the world in covenants of justice and law and fair dealing. We wish her only to accept a place of equality among the peoples of the world, -- the new world in which we now live, -- instead of a place of mastery.

 

Neither do we presume to suggest to her any alteration or modification of her institutions. But it is necessary, we must frankly say, and necessary as a preliminary to any intelligent dealings with her on our part, that we should know whom her spokesmen speak for when they speak to us, whether for the Reichstag majority or for the military party and the men whose creed is imperial domination.

 

We have spoken now, surely, in terms too concrete to admit of any further doubt or question. An evident principle runs through the whole program I have outlined. It is the principle of justice to all peoples and nationalities, and their right to live on equal terms of liberty and safety with one another, whether they be strong or weak.

 

Unless this principle be made its foundation no part of the structure of international justice can stand. The people of the United States could act upon no other principle; and to the vindication of this principle they are ready to devote their lives, their honor, and everything they possess. The moral climax of this the culminating and final war for human liberty has come, and they are ready to put their own strength, their own highest purpose, their own integrity and devotion to the test.

 

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